| April 15, 2007 | Sunday | Rabi-ul-Awwal 26, 1428 |
To send a letter to the Editor
Click here
Plea against Insurance Ordinance
Let us be rational
How reliable is a lab test?
Defining moment
Enlightened moderation
CSS 2007 exam
Which comes first
Quitting the war
Currency notes
Readers are requested to restrict their comments to a maximum of 400 words. We reserve the right to edit letters for reasons of clarity and space. Letters, including those by e-mail, should carry the complete postal address of the sender. The views expressed in these columns do not necessarily reflect the views of the newspaper.—Editor
AMONGST the many threats facing the country, none is more damaging to Pakistan’s stability, development, cohesiveness and integrity than the spectre of sectarian hate and confrontation. All claims to enlightened moderation, all hopes of attracting local and foreign investment, all efforts for internal consolidation and external credibility, will prove elusive unless this menace is tackled as top priority, which has not happened so far.
The mainstream political parties, including the PPP and the various factions of the Muslim League, have unfortunately shown neither the courage nor the concern to court the risks and challenges involved in facing up to the monster of benighted obscurantism and terrorism with a sectarian face. Unless these mainstream parties make the fight against sectarianism one of the priority items on their agenda, their failure in this regard will constitute a standing stigma on their national credentials.
As for the religio-political parties, while their leaders tend to make customary noises of disapproval, there has never been a sustained campaign by these parties to confront the issue of sectarian hatred and terrorism. The responsibility of the religio-political parties is more pronounced than that of other political groups, since they have a greater say and influence in circles which are known to nourish militant, fundamentalist elements.
While the English-language press has played a constructive role in raising public concern, the vernacular press with far greater reach needs to adopt a more forthright and unreserved attitude in impressing on the public mind the dangers to the state from sectarian hate propaganda.
As for the government, while its problems in fighting on so many internal fronts is undoubtedly a very challenging task, the need to combat the spread of sectarianism with an iron hand should be realised with a great sense of urgency. The apprehended antagonism from the extremist, sectarian elements (including some in the law-enforcement agencies) should not hold the hands of the government in blocking ruthlessly the spread of sectarian poison through published word or preaching and sermons in public congregations, including mosques. In this regard an immense responsibility rests on the ulema, who hopefully will realise that at this critical stage in the Ummah’s history nothing could be more suicidal than internecine conflict.
Most disheartening is the absence of any deterrent punishment to the sectarian provocateurs and murderers. Were an independent body to ascertain and disclose authoritatively the grossly insignificant number of people who have been apprehended, convicted (and sentences carried out) in the wake of the innumerable sectarian murders committed, the findings would be an object lesson for all concerned with Pakistan’s well-being. Most regrettably, even the Human Rights Commission of Pakistan has not taken any real interest in this aspect of the matter.
Also regrettable is the absence of any noticeably strong sense of outrage by concerned citizens at the serious injury to Pakistan’s interests, to Islamic harmony and to uninvolved innocent victims at the hands of sectarian militants.
Eminent, respected Pakistanis from different walks of life must take a pro-active role in calling for mutual respect and harmony. Religion teaches nothing, nothing at all, if it does not bring home the importance of respecting each others’ feelings. The various TV channels have yet to bring out with force and conviction the dangerous consequences of the sectarian conflict.
With regard to the goal of a tolerant, moderate and stable Pakistan, President Musharraf’s heart is in the right place. Unless his regime musters, however, the will to effectively confront obscurantist elements, it is the legacy of Gen Zia and not the aspirations of President Musharraf that will determine the fate of Pakistan.
MAHDI MASUD
Karachi
THIS refers to the Insurance Ordinance (No. XXXIX of 2000), promulgated on Aug 19, 2000, preamble of which is meant to regulate the business of the insurance industry to ensure protection of the interests of insurance policy-holders and promote sound development of the insurance industry and for matters connected therewith and incidental thereto.
According to section 168 of the above ordinance, the Insurance Act 1938 (No: IV of 1938) has been repealed and tribunals for exercise of jurisdiction under this ordinance in respect of the class or classes of cases to be specified, within the territorial limits, were required to be constituted in consultation with the commission, i.e., the Securities and Exchange Commission of Pakistan, constituted under section three of the SECP Act.
Surprisingly, the government of Pakistan (ministry of commerce) issued notification No. 1 (34)/2002 Ins-II as late as on June 29, 2006 in exercise of the powers conferred by section 121(1) of the above-mentioned ordinance, thereby appointing the district and sessions judge, Karachi (Central), as insurance tribunal for the whole of Sindh province, which fact suggests that the said Ordinance No. XXXI of 2000 has either been enacted as Act of Parliament or validated otherwise hurriedly, rather bulldozed, as usual legislative business allegedly being carried out by the treasury benches without required deliberation and discussions in the house by the opposition benches or even affording them an opportunity to do so.
Although the government makes claims of providing inexpensive justice to the common man, the above ordinance will make justice very costly for the public in general and the widows and orphans in particular because the legal representatives of the deceased policy-holders, in particular, will have to travel from far-flung areas of Sindh to Karachi to pursue their cases of insurance claims. This will incur lots of expenses on travelling, on hiring lawyers, etc.
Not only this but by virtue of creation of a new forum, they will also be deprived of the right of first appeal which, under the repealed Act, could be filed before the relevant district judge.
The ordinance in question is not in the people’s interest and favours insurance companies. It will be in the public interest to repeal the above ordinance and revive the previous Insurance Act of 1938.
LACHHMAN DASS G. RAJPUT
Ghotki
DURING my 34 years of jail service there were occasions when highly respectable Sardar Attaullah Mengal, Prince Abdul Karim of Kalat and hundreds of ARD leaders and workers remained in Machh and Quetta jails where utmost regard and facilities used to be extended to them.
I cannot forget the sumptuous ‘saji’ (grilled mutton leg) served by Sardar Attaullah Mengal in 1965. I feel stunned to know the ill-treatment given and still being given to ex-chief minister Sardar Akhtar Mengal by Karachi jail authorities, at the instance of agencies.
During his visit to District Jail, Quetta, as chief minister, I requested him for providing gas-operated tandoor for baking bread in the prisoners’ kitchen. And it was installed within a month.
It is reliably learnt that he was not provided bed on his first day in the jail. On the next day only when he protested, he was given one blanket. I feel pity for the jail authorities for yielding so low to the verbal orders of the agencies.
During my posting as deputy superintendent at District Jail, Quetta, I had allowed Ms Benazir Bhutto to have interview with Sadiq Umrani, despite restrictions on interview. Nothing happened except for a simple explanation.
All concerned should note that no one can subjugate the people of Balochistan, in particular the Baloch. The unprecedented example of honourable Chief Justice Iftikhar Mohammad Chaudhry refusing to tender resignation is before us. It is the climax of intrepidity.
SHEIKH Y. MURTAZA
Former Superindent of Jails,
Balochistan,
Karachi
IT is indeed a matter of great distress that the reports of medical laboratory of a reputable hospital, AKUH, turned out to be totally flawed.
It was the time when I joined Standard Chartered Bank Ltd and had undergone a medical check-up at the AKUH as a pre-requisite. After having completed physical examination at the hospital I went out for blood CP and urine test at the AKUH Sharea Faisal Laboratory on March 7.
The same day my mother received the phone call from the hospital informing that my haemoglobin is 4.2 gm per cent and my condition is serious, so I need to see the doctor urgently. The news created panic and anxiety in the family. On my return from office my family was highly upset though I was physically pretty normal.
I went to collect the report on March 8 when the receptionist said: “Your reports are sent for verification and review as the reports are very serious and you physically seem to be fine.” The reports were collected on March 9. All the parameters of the report show highly serious condition.
I was in Islamabad on March 13 when I received the call from the doctor (AKUH) concerned who had physically examined me and was also shocked to see my reports. She said: “You should immediately come back and repeat your test on payment and see me at the earliest as it’s a serious matter.”
On my return to Karachi I underwent the blood CP test again at Shaukat Khanum Memorial Cancer Hospital Laboratory on March 18. The report was absolutely normal and every parameter of it was within the normal range with my haemoglobin 13.7 gm per cent.
It was a big shock that people at the AKUH laboratory were not even courteous enough to apologise to me for this blunder and did not offer me for a repeated blood CP test free of cost.
The reliability of results from a laboratory of such a reputable hospital is questionable.
SHUMAILA AMBREEN PARACHA
Karachi
MANY have said it is the defining moment in Pakistan. The heroic stance by the chief justice has galvanised civil society. He has rekindled a hope among the people and given them a feeling that they can finally defeat the dictatorship. He has inspired the people to think that they have a real chance now to end the military rule and bring in democracy in the country.
The lawyers and the journalists are in the vanguard. The common men and women are not far behind. Yes, this could very well be the defining moment and it calls upon all the citizens to stand up for their rights usurped for long by the dictators and the elite and the powerful sections of society. Such chances do not come our way too often. They are rare. Very few and far in between. People have to seize the moment.
The dictatorial regime is weak. It is nervous. It has blinked. And it is committing a blunder after a blunder. It would only be the fault of civil society and its leadership if the opportunity were lost.
AZIZ NAREJO
Via email
THE takeover of a children’s library and the kidnapping of three women and a child by the female students of the Jamia Hafsa has simply served to corroborate the western media’s earlier allegations that some madressahs in Pakistan are being used less as platforms for imparting religious education and increasingly as breeding grounds for extremism.
Emboldened by the government’s flaccid stance, the madressah’s establishment has now decided to establish its own parallel judicial system and that too under the government’s very own nose.
Various justifications for these illegal acts have been offered by the students of the madressah, with some students protesting that the writ of Allah is supreme and must clearly override the writ of the government, and others claiming that it is an obligation on Muslims to forcefully purge society of all its evils.
However, they fail to understand the enormous implications of their act. If everyone in society was to follow their example, there would be absolute anarchy, as the people of this country are more likely to use religion for their own selfish ends as opposed to establishing the writ of Islam.
Already this country is riddled with many contradictions. On the one hand, we preach piety to the world and, on the other, we think nothing of corruption, the increasing crime rate and the oppression of the weak. Power and wealth appear to be the key principles that we respect and conform to. Unfortunately our corruption is not just limited to the white collar and political elite of this country. Take a fruit seller, or a lowly peon, a constable, or a car mechanic. They too like the rest of the country indulge frequently and freely in all forms of corruption. It is no wonder then that we view the self-righteousness of religious parties with some distaste, as they too are a part of this society and consequently no different from the rest of us.
Our increased scepticism might, in part, also be due to the apparent apathy of the religious parties regarding the rising incidence of inhumane practices against women and minorities in Pakistan. Their noticeable silence on practices such as swara, wani, domestic abuse, gang-rape and honour killings makes their action on these helpless women seem almost hypocritical.
It is, therefore, not surprising that the majority of the population regards this act too more as a ploy to maintain the ascendancy of the religious parties and less as a means to turn people towards the faith. Also, the majority of this country’s population would much rather have some form of democracy -– however tainted -– than any form of fascism. After all, we did all vote for freedom and independence in 1947.
Consequently, while the above justifications might have left the government speechless, the rest of the country is alarmed at the lukewarm response of the government when dealing with such groups. The government must explain its clemency in this regard to the country. Even the most credulous minds of the country regard the flimsy excuses offered by the government difficult to swallow. While the use of force must always be the last resort, lateral thinking might be more feasible at this juncture.
To someone watching the events unfold in the country, the government’s mild rebuke is in stark contrast to the corporal punishment meted out to the lawyers, just a few weeks earlier. The fact that the lawyers’ protest is peaceful and legitimate and the madressah students’ protest is not is also noteworthy.
The passing of the ‘Women’s Protection Bill’ and the president’s appeal to the common man to vote in the more liberal parties in the coming election had just earned him the respect of many enlightened Pakistanis. However, if the government now succumbs to the pressure tactics adopted by these groups, the much-exploited mantra of ‘enlightened moderation’ will have been relegated to a mere platitude.
TAHA KAZI
Karachi
THE paper-setter baffled even the most competent candidates of CSS 2007, when they read the word limit ranging from 4000 to 5000 to be written within three hours in the essay paper. This paper aims at judging the students’ writing skills in presenting relevant, solid and logical developments of ideas in excellent English. It is not a test of their writing speed.
Generally, the competitors invest 30 minutes in brainstorming and developing a detailed outline. This exercise enables them to write 1,500 to 3,000 words, whatsoever the writing speed may be. But to write 45 pages is not only difficult but also impossible for mature and sensible writers. Under his own rule, the paper-setter even may be unable to complete this ‘superman’s flight’.
Consequently the honorable examiner is bound to cut the marks as the candidates could not achieve the required target. So this would be an unwise, unjust and unworthy act against the contesters of Superior Services. Therefore the wrong done at the time of paper setting can be compensated at the time of paper checking.
PROF. SALEEM
Lahore
I DISAGREE completely with Hamuyun Zafar’s notion (letter, April 12) that industrialisation will some how lead to democracy. In fact, it’s the other way round. Democracy will lead to greater change and industrialisation and more effective economy and social welfare reforms. India’s democratic institutions have paved the way for its industrialisation. Today, India stands among the top nations of the world and is well-respected.
Pakistan’s problem is not the feudals but the chieftans (generals) of the armed forces who show complete disregard for the opinions or well-being of the population. What’s more, the ordinary citizens of Pakistan have by now given up on any hope for the future. The people are now resolved to the fact that to keep removing the shackles of the armed chieftains is nothing but a futile exercise.
Hence the possibility of any sort of democracy is simply non-existent. Of course, the feudals as always supported the generals for their own survival. And the generals have been kind to the feudals in return.
The ordinary people have been at the receiving end. Until the current situation remains the same, Pakistan will never have democracy or the luxury of industrialisation.
SYED MUNIM
London, UK
THE nation is delighted with President Gen Pervez Musharraf’s announcement that if our efforts to fight terrorism are misconceived by the US and its media, then we will do no more and better come out of this coalition.
I anticipate the US foreign office will start offering various explanations to keep the agreement running. If the president had chosen to say these very words when Vice President Dick Cheney visited here and demanded more efforts, the US administration would have found a befitting answer then and there and by this time they would have reformed their stance.
Nevertheless this announcement is adequate to ward off the nation’s apprehensions that our foreign policy is under the dictate of the US.
M. M. KHAN
Karachi
IKRAM Khan has expressed his opinion well on the above subject in his letter (April 9). I would further like to add that the layout and colour of 10- and 20- rupee notes are such that at least I have to read these notes while making or accepting payments.
Matters become more difficult when faded notes are being handled.
I would further like to point out the size of various coins at present in circulation. New one-rupee coin has 20mm dia, the old 50 paisa is 21mm, the two- rupee coin is 23mm, the five-rupee coin is 24mm and the old one-rupee coin is 25mm dia. Sizes of these coins are very confusing, especially at night.
Some one should look into the matter urgently.
S. AMANAT HASAN
Karachi
You can also send letters to the Editor
Just send your message to the following address: letters@dawn.com
Make sure you include your full name, postal address, e-mail address, and in the case of Pakistan your day-time telephone number.